The Puerto Rican eatery, located in a remote industrial section of Westchester Square, is owned by Richard Caban, the brother of NYPD Commissioner Edward Caban. The establishment has for the past few years gained a reputation as a hangout for Adams, who celebrated his birthday there last year, other high-profile elected leaders, including State Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie, as well as top NYPD brass, including Commissioner Caban and Chief of Department Jeffrey Maddrey.

But Con Sofrito has since 2022 faced a bevy of open building and fire safety violations over a sprawling “party room” it erected in its parking lot during the pandemic without proper permits. The restaurant’s landlord, a corporate entity named 1315 Commerce LLC, sued Richard Caban in Bronx Civil Court over the party room in October after it refused to dismantle the illegal structure, a development first reported last month by the news outlet The City.

In a previously unreported development, Jamie Schreck, an attorney for the landlord, filed court papers in that case last week saying Richard Caban had finally agreed to break down the party room by March 1 — and close Con Sofrito for good by Aug. 31.

In addition, Caban agreed as part of a settlement to cough up $14,000 to cover Schreck’s attorney fees and continue to pay rent through the final date of Con Sofrito’s occupancy, the court papers show. The presiding judge, Betty Lugo, approved the settlement in a decision released on the court docket Friday.

Speaking to the Daily News on Friday afternoon, Schreck said his client is pleased with the settlement and looking to find a new tenant who’s not in the hospitality industry.

“What he told me is that he’s done with restaurants after this,” Schreck said, referring to Joseph Dedona III, the manager of the corporate landlord entity. “He’s fed up with the restaurant industry.”

The settlement might not spell the absolute end of Con Sofrito, though.

“They want to find a new location and a new liquor license,” Schreck said of Caban and his Con Sofrito partners.

An attorney for Richard Caban did not immediately return a request for comment, nor did a spokesman for the mayor.

The illegal party room that sparked the court feud has been featured prominently in photos and videos posted to Instagram by Jimmy Rodriguez, an infamous Bronx restaurateur who lists himself online as the “manager” and “creator” of Con Sofrito.

Rodriguez posted videos and photos in September from the mayor’s 63rd birthday party — which was held in the party room.

Rodriguez used to run Jimmy’s Bronx Cafe, a popular club shuttered in 2004 after coming under suspicion of being a hotbed for gang and drug activity. In the 1990s, Major League Baseball officials warned Yankees players to stay away from Jimmy’s after two shootings took place in front of the club.

Rodriguez did not return a request for comment Friday.

Thursday’s procedural step came in the form of a resolution authorizing the speaker to pursue legal action on behalf of the full Council to compel the mayor to implement the laws, which are designed to expand access to CityFHEPS, a voucher program subsidizing rent for low-income New Yorkers. The measure breezed through the Council in a voice vote with overwhelming support.

With the resolution adopted, the speaker wouldn’t say what form any legal action against the mayor will take, though, or when it might be initiated.

“There has been no final decision yet on any legal action,” she told reporters. “But this maintains our ability to keep our options open, that’s what the resolution does.”

Among other provisions, the laws in dispute would expand access to CityFHEPS by eliminating a rule requiring that otherwise income-eligible individuals must enter a homeless shelter before they can apply for a voucher. By scrapping that rule, Council Democrats have argued the city can prevent more New Yorkers from becoming homeless.

The Council enacted the laws last summer by overriding the mayor’s vetoes of them. Nonetheless, the mayor didn’t implement the laws by a legally mandated Jan. 9 deadline, arguing the city can’t shoulder the added cost that would come with them.

After Thursday’s resolution vote, Adams spokeswoman Kayla Mamelak reiterated that argument, saying “this legislation will add $17 billion onto the backs of our taxpayers” — a figure Council Democrats argue is exaggerated.

The speaker’s reluctance to talk about what exactly her next step will be on the legal front comes as others are also mulling court action over the CityFHEPS matter.

The Legal Aid Society, which by law represents the city’s homeless population, said last month it would file a lawsuit against the mayor to force him to implement the CityFHEPS laws. At the time, a Council spokesman said the speaker was eyeing legal action, too, and that it wasn’t clear whether she would bring her own lawsuit or join Legal Aid’s filing.

A spokesman for the Legal Aid Society declined to comment after Thursday’s vote.

Sliwa, who erroneously identified the Bronxite as a Venezuelan migrant during a live interview Tuesday night on national TV, admitted to the Daily News Thursday he could have been “milder and calmer” during the episode caught live on FOX News cameras.

But his group’s actions during the attack and Sliwa’s on-camera comments sparked anger and outrage across NYC Thursday.

“Washed-up comic book villain instructed his herd of wannabe vigilantes to beat up a guy they decided ‘looked like’ a migrant. A hate crime,” Brooklyn Councilman Justin Brannan wrote on X. “Live on TV. Violence of any kind, whether against cops or innocent people in Times Sq, must be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.”

“The wheels of justice must move at an appropriate pace. We don’t have the luxury to do what we saw Curtis Sliwa did,” Mayor Adams, Sliwa’s opponent in the 2021 mayoral election, said at an unrelated press briefing with Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg. “To see someone on the corner and, based on their ethnicity, automatically identify them as a migrant or asylum seeker, and not a long-time Bronx resident — that is not what we can do. We have to get it right.”

Adams and Brannan were far from the only ones to tag Sliwa.

On CNN Thursday morning, Gov. Hochul said no one should take the law into their own hands.

“This is not the Wild West. This is New York State,” Hochul said.

Scott Stringer, a former city comptroller and possible Democratic mayoral candidate in 2025, described Sliwa’s antics as “racism” and said he looked forward to meeting him on the debate stage.

“This kind of racism has no place in our city. Unfortunately, Curtis Sliwa went to his usual worst instincts,” Stringer said. “I look forward as a potential Democratic nominee to debating this warmed-over MAGA Republican in 2025.”

While some politicos claimed the attack was motivated by hate and racism, Bragg was not ready to call it a hate crime but did call the incident “disturbing.”

“We’re going to do what we do on all of our matters, right?” Bragg said at the briefing with Adams. “So I think there are people speculating and using a legal phrase in [using] ‘hate crime.’ We don’t make assumptions, we investigate and look at the evidence, so we’ll do what we do in all the other matters — follow the facts.”

Queens Borough President Donovan Richards chalked the incident up to Sliwa’s typical fear mongering.

“This is classic Curtis Sliwa: in the mud, stoking division in New York City. And it’s shameful that he would believe that because someone speaks Spanish, they’re a migrant,” Richards said. “I’m hoping people like Curtis realize our diversity is our strength.”

In an afternoon press conference at City Hall, City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams said the “actions by Mr. Sliwa and his group” amounted to “fear-mongering” against migrants.

“Seeing incidents and occurrences like that certainly does not help the climate of the city right now. It actually does a lot of harm, creates a lot of confusion, a lot of anger,” she said.

Everyday New Yorkers also slammed Sliwa, who founded the Guardian Angels in the 1970s when crime was raging in the Big Apple and has been one of the more vocal critics chiding the city over its handling of the migrant crisis.

Desiree Joy Frias, a mutual aid volunteer, said she wasn’t surprised by the fracas or that Sliwa was wrong about the man’s background.

“This is not new behavior. They used to take down Black and brown people all the time in the 70s and 80s,” she said. “That people feel that they can handle things extra judiciously — that’s terrifying.”

Sliwa, who spoke to The News before going to a dermatologist appointment, didn’t seemed too fazed about all the controversy.

“All of these folks, I understand, they’re looking to dance on my grave. I take enough shots at them all the time, so it’s fair. But let’s get real here, guys” he said. “Let my haters know it’s not going to stop us from doing what we’ve done for 45 years — although on this one — my mistake. The rhetoric I used, I should not have used in that moment.”

Raymond Bryant, the uncle of Jay Bryant, said his nephew made the admission at a relative’s house in Queens in 2003. And he was barred from speculating whether his nephew was working with accomplices.

His turn on the stand was part of a lively day of testimony at the trial of Karl Jordan Jr. and Ronald “Tinard” Washington, who are accused of killing Jay, real name Jason Mizell, over a drug deal in his Queens music studio on Oct. 30, 2002.

Another witness, Washington’s fellow inmate in the Metropolitan Detention Center, was forced to appear and reiterate his claims that Washington confessed to the crime when they were jailed together in 2011.

Jay Bryant’s uncle, who was subpoenaed to testify, said his nephew made the admission in a one-on-one conversation, out of earshot of other people.

“He basically told me that he was involved. He basically said that he did it. He didn’t get into it too much,” Raymond Bryant said, adding that his nephew explained “that maybe he wouldn’t have did it if he didn’t go for his gun or something.”

Jay Bryant was indicted and added to the case last May, nearly three years after Jordan and Washington were charged with the murder. He’s not on trial after his lawyer successfully argued to have his case severed from Jordan and Washington.

Bryant’s uncle also testified that his nephew told him in 2016 that his DNA might be on a hat found at the murder scene.

Prosecutors have been working throughout the trial to blunt the impact of Jay Bryant’s confession, contending in their opening arguments that he unlocked the rear door of the studio to let Jordan and Washington inside. They’ve also sought to link Jay Bryant to Jordan and his brother, and have gotten witnesses from the night of the killing to say they’ve never seen Bryant before.

A key witness, Uriel “Tony” Rincon, said he was inches away and saw Jordan’s face before Jordan blasted a hole in his leg and shot Mizell in the head. Rincon identified Washington as the man who blocked the studio door and pointed a gun at Mizell’s business manager, Lydia High — who also took the stand and identified Washington.

Later Wednesday, the jury heard from Yusuf Abdur-Rahman, who was taken into custody on a material witness warrant and made to testify.

Abdur-Rahman acknowledged he sent the federal government a letter saying Washington confided in him “that he had murdered Jam Master Jay, the rapper.”

He tried to get around recounting what he wrote in the letter, saying he couldn’t read without his glasses. But that excuse fell away when Judge Lashann DeArcy Hall handed him a spare pair of reading glasses she kept on the bench.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Miranda Gonzalez later played a pair of frantic voice recordings on which Abdur-Rahman insisted he’d never take the stand because he felt misled and lied to about only being a grand jury witness, and that he didn’t want his reputation tarnished as a “snitch.”

“I’m not about to get on the stand. I don’t care what the judge said,” he was recorded saying. “I’m not about to do no s–t like that. If it was a matter of life and death, I’m not going to do it. Have a nice day.”

The bill, authored by Bronx Democratic Rep. Ritchie Torres, is a direct response to the NYCHA bribery scandal that came to light Tuesday as federal prosecutors in Manhattan indicted 70 current and former Housing Authority superintendents on charges that they solicited $2 million in bribes from private contractors. In exchange for the bribes, the supers are accused of giving the private operators no-bid “micro purchase” contracts for NYCHA complex construction jobs that didn’t exceed $10,000 in value.

Under current law, NYCHA doesn’t need to publicly report information about procurements in that small-dollar price category — and Torres argued it’s that gap in transparency that has allowed corruption to fester at the public housing agency.

‘“For five years, I have been sounding the alarm about NYCHA’s chronic lack of oversight over no-bid contracting, which can easily become a breeding ground for fraud, corruption and abuse,” said Torres, who as a member of the City Council called in 2019 for stricter transparency requirements around NYCHA micro-purchase contracts. Torres also grew up in public housing.

“One case of bribery or a few cases of bribery can be explained away as outliers,” he continued. “But 70 cases of bribery, affecting one-third of NYCHA properties, points to a systemic failure of management and oversight. It points to a culture of corruption.”

Asked for a response to Torres’ comments, NYCHA spokeswoman Barbara Brancaccio said the authority has “already made substantial reforms to its procurement processes,” citing a “nearly 50% reduction in micro-purchase spend on services” since 2021.

“While micro-purchases allow for staff to quickly and flexibly respond to emergencies at the development level, these recent and unfortunate events demonstrate that additional oversight is needed,” Brancaccio said.

Torres’ legislation, a copy of which was obtained by The News ahead of its introduction in the House of Representatives, would specifically order the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to require every public housing agency in the country to disclose information about all private outsourcing contracts they award.

Such disclosures would divulge the date of the contract, information about the goods and services provided as part of it as well as the identities of the agency official who solicited the contract and the vendor executing it, according to the bill text.

It was not immediately clear how the bill will fare in the House, which is controlled by Republicans.

None of the contractors who paid out bribes to NYCHA supers were charged as part of Tuesday’s massive bust.

Manhattan U.S. Attorney Damian Williams said in a press conference that the indicted supers created an environment in which micro-purchase bidders knew they couldn’t get the contracts unless they paid kickbacks first.

In one especially egregious case, Juan Mercado, a super at the Hammel Houses and Carleton Manor, two jointly managed NYCHA properties in Queens, solicited and accepted at least $314,300 in bribes between April 2014 and this past July, making him the top offender in the scandal, according to prosecutors.

In a letter to NYCHA CEO Lisa Bova-Hiatt on Wednesday, Torres lamented that the agency never tightened rules around micro-purchase procurement after his 2019 lament. He asked her to provide him with information about all steps the agency has taken since then to improve oversight in the contracting gray area.

“NYCHA owes the people of New York transparency about the progress it has made toward procurement reform in public housing,” he wrote to Bova-Hiatt.

The skeleton was found in pieces under concrete by a construction crew doing renovation work on the long-vacant property on Jamaica Ave. near 120th St. in Richmond Hill, NYPD Chief of Detectives Joseph Kenny said Tuesday.

The bones were discovered by a day laborer working in the basement on Jan. 29, Kenny said, noting that several of the bones are still missing.

“The skeleton itself is not intact,” Kenny said.

Detectives were working with the carting company assigned to the rehab project to see if the missing bones were dug up and thrown out accidentally.

The city medical examiner determined the bones to be human within a day of their discovery, but the agency’s team of forensic anthropologists are still trying to determine the man’s identity and how he died.

There was no visible trauma to the bones themselves, Kenny said.

It’s not clear how long the skeleton had been buried in the basement. Photos taken by a Daily News photographer show a skull and other bones that appear to be caked in dirt.

Both cops and city Buildings Department officials say the address has been vacant since 2002. Because the bones were found under concrete, they could have been buried there decades earlier.

The building was constructed in 1915, according to city records.

The current owner bought the property in 1986, and an electronics store was opened up on the first floor and a barbershop on the second. In 2002, the owner of the barbershop destroyed the place and the building was condemned, the current owner told investigators.

Although it had been long abandoned, the building was not properly closed or sealed, according to property records. The roof caved in, which could be seen by people riding along the elevated subway line that runs past the property.

The Buildings Department issued violations that haven’t been rectified, city officials said.

In October, the city received complaints of rodents coming from the address and other problems.

“It’s a vacant building, and the door to the basement is caving in,” one complaint read, requesting the city take immediate action “before someone gets hurt.”

Police investigate after skeletal remains were found in the basement of an unoccupied building on Jamaica Ave. in Queens, New York on Monday, Jan. 29, 2024. (Gardiner Anderson for New York Daily News)An inspection of the building in November showed that the metal cellar hatch doors on the sidewalk had at one time been sealed with concrete, but the concrete had been broken up.

“[It’s] hazardous to the public by creating a fall and tripping hazard,” the inspector determined.

The building was boarded off in January as a rehab project was started by the person currently leasing the property, police said.

All in all, 70 NYCHA superintendents squeezed out just over $2 million in bribes from private actors in exchange for giving them no-bid contracts to do building repairs at the Housing Authority’s various projects across the city, according to a string of criminal complaints unsealed Tuesday.

Here are details on the 10 NYCHA supers accused of taking the biggest bribes, totaling $1.02 million:

1. JUAN MERCADO: 

A super at the Hammel Houses and Carleton Manor, two jointly-managed NYCHA properties in Queens, Mercado is accused of soliciting and accepting at least $314,300 in bribes between April 2014 and this past July — making him the scandal’s top offender.

The feds didn’t name or indict any of the private actors who allegedly issued the bribes at the heart of the scandal, in many cases because they cooperated with investigators, but Mercado’s complaint says he routinely demanded between 10% and 20% of a contract’s total price tag as a kickback before signing off on it. In total, Mercado’s accused of issuing no-bid contracts worth at least $1.7 million in exchange for bribes.

2. NIRMAL LORICK:  

Lorick, a super at Queens’ Baisley Park Houses, raked in about $153,000 in bribes between January 2014 and this past July, according to court papers.

In exchange for those payouts, Lorick gave the go-ahead on issuing no-bid work orders worth some $1.3 million, the feds say.

3. JOSE HERNANDEZ:  

While working as a super at the Marble Hill Houses in the Bronx, Hernandez pocketed about $95,000 in bribes between 2014 and September 2020, the feds charge.

The bribes prompted him to sign off on repair contracts worth about $640,000. The feds say that Hernandez made clear to contractors vying for repair work that they “would not be awarded no-bid contracts” at his developments unless they paid him bribes first.

4. DWARKA RUPNARAIN: 

Rupnarain retired from his superintendent post at the Bronx’s Gun Hill Houses in December 2022.

Before that, Rupnarain is accused of having taken some $83,100 in bribes between February 2015 and June 2022. In exchange, he cleared the way for no-bid contracts worth at least $508,000, the feds say.

5. VERONICA HOLLMAN: 

While working as a super at Brooklyn’s Pink Houses between May 2018 and July 2022, Hollman pocketed at least $80,000 in bribes in exchange for issuing contracts worth some $400,000, according to prosecutors.

“If [an unnamed contractor] did not make payments to HOLLMAN, HOLLMAN would not award [the contractor] additional no-bid contracts for work at Pink Houses,” prosecutors wrote in her complaint, citing interviews with the contractor.

6. RIGOBERTO “RICKY” CHARRIEZ:

Charriez pocketed at least $70,000 in bribes while working at various projects across the city as a super between 2016 and 2023, including most recently at the Richmond Terrace development in Queens. The bribes paved the way for Charriez to issue contracts worth about $377,000, the feds allege.

“The contracts were typically each worth approximately $5,000, and [an unnamed contractor] therefore paid CHARRIEZ approximately $500 in cash per contract,”  his complaint states.

7. DEXTER LINO:

While working as an assistant superintendent between 2019 and 2021 at NYCHA’s Latimer Gardens in Queens, Lino raked in about $70,000 in bribes, too, prosecutors say.

The bribes prompted Lino to award no-bid repair deals worth about $245,000, according to his complaint.

8. CLARENCE SAMUEL:

While working at NYCHA’s Gompers Consolidation project in Manhattan between 2016 and September 2022, Samuel collected at least $56,000 in bribes, according to the feds.

In exchange, he allegedly green-lit no-bid contracts worth about $250,000.

9. FRANKIE VILLANUEVA:

Villanueva took some $50,000 in bribes while working as a super at the Mott Haven Houses in the Bronx, according to his complaint.

In exchange, he issued no-bid contracts worth about $200,000, the feds say.

10. MICHAEL JOHNSON

In exchange for at least approximately $48,000 in bribes between 2018 and 2022, Johnson used his power as a super at Brooklyn’s Cypress Hills Houses to issue contracts worth about $225,000.

Against that backdrop, Johnson retired from NYCHA in January 2023.

Ex-con Ralph Mullgrav’s time on the stand kicked off a day of testimony in Brooklyn court that included Jay’s business manager, who witnessed the Run-DMC co-founder’s murder, and a former NYPD detective known as the “Hip Hop Cop.”

Mullgrav, who spent 12 years in prison for running a Baltimore drug-dealing operation with two dozen underlings, initially defied a subpoena to testify at the trial of Karl Jordan Jr. and Ronald “Tinard” Washington, both accused of killing the rap star on Oct. 30, 2002.

But after seven days behind bars, he took the stand in Brooklyn Federal Court Monday to say how Jay, whose real name is Jason Mizell, sold drugs.

“Jason wasn’t a drug dealer. He just used it to make ends meet here and there,” Mullgrav testified.

Mizell sold about one or two kilos to Mullgrav, “more than once, more than twice,” he said.

In August 2002, Mizell asked Mullgrav to sell about 10 to 20 kilograms. Mizell wanted to bring Washington along, but Mullgrav had bad blood with the man.

“I told him no,” Mizell said. “Yes, he [Washington] was a problem.”

When Washington showed up for a meeting where Mullgrav was expecting Mizell, that torched the deal.

“I went to the tire to get my gun,” he said, explaining that he had a firearm stashed in a tire on a parked car. When asked what he planned to do next, he said, “Shoot Tinard.”

Prosecutors allege Washington and Jordan killed Mizell because he cut them out of that drug deal.

After he got out of prison, Mullgrav authored a book and became a movie producer, working on a film titled “Holistic Journey,” said his lawyer, Gary Farrell. He’s stayed out of trouble since, Farrell said.

The jury also heard from Lydia High, Mizell’s business manager, who testified that she was sitting across from the DJ in his Merrick Blvd. music studio in Hollis, giving him paperwork to sign, moments before the shooting.

High spoke nervously, her voice cracking as she described what she saw. She took off her glasses and tried not to make eye contact with anyone.

She didn’t like going to the studio, which she described as a “clubhouse” where people hung out and got high, and not a professional place. That night, she planned to drop by for a few minutes, then meet someone for dinner.

High said she was sitting across from Mizell when the shooter entered the room.

“Jason smiled. He smiled. And he kind of gave the person a pound,” she said. “And then [Mizell] said, ‘Oh s—!'”

“I heard the gun,” she said. She didn’t see it go off, and in the chaotic seconds that followed, she screamed and ran to the door.

But another person blocked the door, pointed a gun to her head, and told her to get down.

“It was Tinard,” she said.

She didn’t name Jordan as the shooter, but described the killer as a light-skinned Black man with a neck tattoo.

Jordan’s lawyer, Mark DeMarco, grilled High on why she didn’t mention the neck tattoo in her descriptions to police over the years, or in her testimony before a grand jury in November 2005.

And Washington’s attorney, Susan Kellman, tried to float a different theory about her client’s presence. “Would it be fair to say when Tinard said to you, ‘Get down,’ he was trying to protect you?”

The prosecution promptly objected and the question was stricken from the record.

After the shooting, High was given a security detail — retired NYPD detective turned investigator Derrick Parker, who worked on the cold case murders of Tupac Shakur and Notorious B.I.G.

Parker said High told him shortly after the killing that Tinard was the man who ordered her to the ground, and months later named Jordan, or “Little D,” as the shooter.

He also described how she responded to a phone call she said was from Jordan’s father a couple of days after the killing. “She was very upset, and she started shaking and she started rambling off,” Parker said.

DeMarco pressed Parker on why he didn’t share what High said with his friends in the police department. Parker shared his file with police and FBI investigators in 2016, but he still didn’t say that High named the killers, he said, because she was still a client.

“They’re performing a job you did 14 years ago, and it’s your testimony that you didn’t give the information?” DeMarco asked.

“Correct,” Parker responded.

The victim was shot at 2 a.m. in a confrontation outside building on Parson Blvd. near Jewel Ave. that is part of NYCHA’s Pomonok Houses, cops said.

Medics rushed the victim to New York-Presbyterian Hospital Queens, where he was clinging to life with a gunshot wound to the head.

The shooter fled the scene west on Jewel Ave. in a black SUV and has not been caught.

Instead, the two 17-year-olds who were stabbed Thursday inside Martin Van Buren High Schoo l— one of whom has been investigated for his role in two shootings, including a murder — have been charged with gang assault, sources said.

The other teen was also charged with gun possession for the Smith & Wesson 9 mm. pistol allegedly found in his jacket pocket, sources said.

The stabbing happened at 1:20 p.m. Thursday inside Martin Van Buren on Hillside Ave. near 230th St. in Queens Village following a fight that erupted in the stairwell between the first and second floors, a witness told the Daily News.

“I was trying to walk my girlfriend to her class and as we got to the staircase we saw them get in an altercation,” a 14-year-old student told The News on Thursday. “These two boys had an altercation. One of them was losing bad and he pulled out a knife and stabbed [the other one].”

Medics rushed both teens to Long Island Jewish Cohens Hospital, one with stab wounds to his upper body, the other with two stab wounds to his back and one to his shoulder.

The school, which has cameras but not scanners, was put into a soft lockdown, meaning there was no reason to believe anyone else would be in danger.

Sources said that as school safety agents tended to the stab victims, an agent found a gun inside the pocket of a coat belonging to the teen with back and shoulder wounds.

When NYPD officers arrived on the scene they recovered the knife and grabbed the suspected stabber, a 16-year-old boy police initially identified as 17.

The boy was taken to the 105th Precinct. With his mother present, he claimed self-defense and identified the teens that were stabbed as part of a larger group that jumped into the fight.

He then pointed authorities to social media video taken of the attack that backed up his claim.

The Queens District Attorney’s Office then told police to void the 16-year-old’s arrest, sources said.

He suffered only minor injuries in the beatdown and did not need medical attention. He has no prior arrests.

Sources said the teen with the gun also has no prior arrests. The other teen who was stabbed, however, is no stranger to police, sources said.

He was arrested last October for grand larceny and prosecuted as an adolescent offender. The case is now sealed.

The same teen is considered a suspect in a non-fatal Queens shooting in August 2022, when he was 15, and a fatal shooting from last May, when he was 16. He has not been charged in either crime.